Unable to convert ARMS_EXT: [ATTACH.D42]MAIL48797528G.226 to ASCII,
 The following is a HEX DUMP:

FF575043A8040000010A02010000000205000000D9150000000200OOA4CFOA6AD82AF24E73F256
35B6C5BC6C2D825849176B61D7EF77F2CD163A450845D9E9A4FD4B3EA7311C9A1881CCD40FBFF7
                                                                                   Automated Records Management System
                                                SAVE SOCIAL SECURITY FIRST
                                                                                   Hex-Dump Conversion
                                                                   by
                                                              Gene Sperling

                 In the Fall of 1997, when the prospects for the first budget surplus in a generation emerged,
         many members of Congress rushed out with expensive new ways to spend that surplus - from new
         spending on government programs to costly tax plans. But in his State ofthe Union address last
         January, President Clinton put America's long-run economic interests ahead of short-run politics by
         demanding that we reserve every penny of the budget surplus until we have strengthened Social
         Security for the 21st century. President Clinton's commitment to "save Social Security first" is
         right for our economy and right for our future.

                  First, until we reach bi-partisan Social Security reform, no one knows how much ofthe
         surplus is needed to save the system. Reserving budget surpluses for that purpose gives us an
         additional resource to meet the costs of comprehensive reform. That is why President Clinton
         resisted all such proposals this year - from the hundreds of billions of dollars on a transportation
         bill to a $700 billion tax-cut plan. Ifwe relax that fiscal discipline before we save Social Security
         - even for an $80 billion tax package - we will find ourselves on a slippery slope and end up
         squandering the surplus and weakening the prospects for bi-partisan Social Security reform.

                 Second, the budget surplus is fundamentally a Social Security surplus. Over the next 10
         years, surpluses in the Social Security Trust Fund account for 98% of our overall projected
         surpluses. If nearly all the surplus comes from Social Security, doesn't it make sense to save the
         surplus until we know how much is needed to save Social Security?

                 Third, preserving the surplus helps create a strong incentive for actually getting Social
         Security reform done. It is normally impossible for our democracy - or any democracy - to tackle
         long-term problems while the crisis is still only on the horizon. Putting the surplus off-limits until
         we address saving Social Security provides a strong impetus for all of us to do something to solve a
         fiscal challenge early so we can prevent a crisis later. Ifwe eliminate this incentive, we may
         jeopardize Social Security reform itself.

                 Finally, deviating from our successful policy of fiscal discipline would send the wrong
         message to the world. In 1993, when the President attended the G-7 Summit in Japan, the major
         economies of the world chastised the United States for letting its budget deficit grow so big. If
         Clinton had not moved quickly to cut America's budget deficit and help make our economy a
         bulwark of stability, the world economic situation would surely be much worse today. Nations and
         markets around the world now look to the United States for economic leadership. Any retreat from
         our fiscal discipline when we have still not solved the long-term challenge of Social Security would
         be the wrong signal at the wrong time to the global economy.

                  Six years ago, America's budget deficit was $290 billion. This past year, we had an
         approximately $70 billion budget surplus - the first surplus since 1969. We have fixed our fiscal
         deficit; now we must fix our generational deficit. We will have plenty of time to discuss whether to
         use the surplus for other purposes after we reform Social Security. Until then, though, we should
         save every penny of the surplus until we save Social Security.

         Sperling serves as Assistant to the President for Economic Policy and as director of the President's
         National Economic Council.
    

==================== ATTACHMENT 1 ==================== ATT CREATION TIME/DATE: 0 00:00:00.00 TEXT: Unable to convert ARMS_EXT: [ATTACH.D42]MAIL48797528G.226 to ASCII, The following is a HEX DUMP: FF575043A8040000010A02010000000205000000D9150000000200OOA4CFOA6AD82AF24E73F256 35B6C5BC6C2D825849176B61D7EF77F2CD163A450845D9E9A4FD4B3EA7311C9A1881CCD40FBFF7 Automated Records Management System SAVE SOCIAL SECURITY FIRST Hex-Dump Conversion by Gene Sperling In the Fall of 1997, when the prospects for the first budget surplus in a generation emerged, many members of Congress rushed out with expensive new ways to spend that surplus - from new spending on government programs to costly tax plans. But in his State ofthe Union address last January, President Clinton put America's long-run economic interests ahead of short-run politics by demanding that we reserve every penny of the budget surplus until we have strengthened Social Security for the 21st century. President Clinton's commitment to "save Social Security first" is right for our economy and right for our future. First, until we reach bi-partisan Social Security reform, no one knows how much ofthe surplus is needed to save the system. Reserving budget surpluses for that purpose gives us an additional resource to meet the costs of comprehensive reform. That is why President Clinton resisted all such proposals this year - from the hundreds of billions of dollars on a transportation bill to a $700 billion tax-cut plan. Ifwe relax that fiscal discipline before we save Social Security - even for an $80 billion tax package - we will find ourselves on a slippery slope and end up squandering the surplus and weakening the prospects for bi-partisan Social Security reform. Second, the budget surplus is fundamentally a Social Security surplus. Over the next 10 years, surpluses in the Social Security Trust Fund account for 98% of our overall projected surpluses. If nearly all the surplus comes from Social Security, doesn't it make sense to save the surplus until we know how much is needed to save Social Security? Third, preserving the surplus helps create a strong incentive for actually getting Social Security reform done. It is normally impossible for our democracy - or any democracy - to tackle long-term problems while the crisis is still only on the horizon. Putting the surplus off-limits until we address saving Social Security provides a strong impetus for all of us to do something to solve a fiscal challenge early so we can prevent a crisis later. Ifwe eliminate this incentive, we may jeopardize Social Security reform itself. Finally, deviating from our successful policy of fiscal discipline would send the wrong message to the world. In 1993, when the President attended the G-7 Summit in Japan, the major economies of the world chastised the United States for letting its budget deficit grow so big. If Clinton had not moved quickly to cut America's budget deficit and help make our economy a bulwark of stability, the world economic situation would surely be much worse today. Nations and markets around the world now look to the United States for economic leadership. Any retreat from our fiscal discipline when we have still not solved the long-term challenge of Social Security would be the wrong signal at the wrong time to the global economy. Six years ago, America's budget deficit was $290 billion. This past year, we had an approximately $70 billion budget surplus - the first surplus since 1969. We have fixed our fiscal deficit; now we must fix our generational deficit. We will have plenty of time to discuss whether to use the surplus for other purposes after we reform Social Security. Until then, though, we should save every penny of the surplus until we save Social Security. Sperling serves as Assistant to the President for Economic Policy and as director of the President's National Economic Council.